Imagine a scenario for dealing with the Epstein scandal under a private property legal order.  Such a system does not preclude the existence of the United States as a compound republic, although it does require a radical reinterpretation of the political order operating through the Constitution.  First, the United States is a federation of political entities, each one an independent republic, cooperating for mutual protection and commerce according to the stipulations of a written contract.  The general government can only act on the limited authorities delegated to it via the contract, while the member states retain sovereignty within their geographic territories, except for those things prohibited to them by the federal operating charter.

Political Economic Contours

The monetary standard is based on coins minted according to fixed weights and measures of commodity metals, gold and silver, purchased at market prices.  There is no such thing as a Federal Reserve Note, because there are no constitutional provisions for the general government to establish a central bank, no political entity may issue bills of credit, and all fiduciary media must be backed by the commodity coin held by the issuer.  In other words, there can be no inflation because issuing unbacked fiduciary media is a crime of fraud, and those holding public office can only spend from the public treasury in pursuit of a delegated authority.  Therefore, the private law society enjoys price stability and increased material standards of living that come from sound money, secure property titles, and the productivity gains generated through free trade.

Individual states are also constituted through specific contracts between the citizens, based on voluntary consent, that delineate responsibilities and authorities, as well as the costs involved for the benefits of security and justice provided by the political association.  Each member state enters the United States for a fixed duration through a voluntary ratification process that can also be used for exiting the union at will.

Again, all monetary transactions are based on a commodity metal standard denominated by fixed weights and measures, such as grains, grams, ounces, and pounds, and there is no authority for public officials to manipulate or otherwise fix market prices, including the price ratio between gold and silver.  All prices, including the price of political membership, are identified through the market process of supply and demand.

Localities attract members and expand their coverage areas based on providing higher quality property protection and dispute resolution at reasonable prices.  Localities affiliate with each other to form counties, or enter an existing county, that also compete for membership by providing effective security coordination and reinsurance with attractive terms.  Counties affiliate with states, or form their own, based on mutual contracts oriented on protecting their constituent’s property via security service provision, insurance, and related industries, such as intelligence analysis, defense technology development, and legal case codification.

Duties and Service Limitations

Citizenship has costs. Aside from paying membership fees and agreeing to abide by established rules of civilized conduct, each able-bodied citizen has a duty to perform militia service. This means being organized, armed, and disciplined to perform certain security and justice functions, such as executing the laws, repelling invasions, and suppressing insurrections. Militia units are formed at the local level, according to the particular customs and affiliations of that area and are left to manage their own affairs so long as they meet the performance standards set forth by the rules of affiliation with the county, state, and federation.

The militia of the several states are the key institutions for law enforcement, with all police, sheriffs, and constables falling subordinate to their local jurisdiction, and all state or federal agents are obliged to work through those local offices to implement policy. Specialized services not organic to the militia or their subordinate enforcement agencies, such as forensics, laboratory analysis, cyber, or, cryptography, etc., are supplemented by market-based providers on a contract basis.

A hard money standard with contractual service relationships imposes fiscal discipline on all public officials and administrators, leaving no common pool of idle resources to divert toward servicing special interests. The general government of the United States maintains a Navy for patrolling the territorial waters of the federation and coastal defense, but none of its assets can go beyond the Exclusive Economic Zone of two hundred nautical miles without a specific congressional declaration of war that temporarily establishes a joint operations area until the cessation of hostilities.

There is no tax funded Coast Guard, but each member state of the federation has a variety of maritime law enforcement entities under its militia, and several market-based firms provide emergency rescue services to subscribers. Congress can also raise an Army for up to two years at a time, and those forces can only campaign outside the United States upon a legislated war declaration with specific military objectives identified by Congress. Of course, Congress can also issue letters of marque and reprisal that grant privateers rewards and bounties for achieving certain external security objectives, such as punishing hostile foreign entities. However, privateers are subject to the legal jurisdictions in which they operate and generally confine their activities to ungoverned spaces and the high seas.

Multinational corporations and international shipping concerns that take their business outside the geographic jurisdiction of the United States must arrange for their own security and navigate the legal environments in which they operate. This has several positive effects on the U.S. political economy.
First, it alleviates financial and other resource drains on American taxpayers. The public treasury, Army, Navy, and diplomatic corps are not expended on foreign interests that have nothing to do with the ‘common defense’ of the United States. Second, absent these security subsidies, more companies are incentivized to focus domestically, leading to more investment, employment, and production at home. Third, the prices of imports are more accurately reflected at the points of sale, leading to an increased search for domestically sourced substitute goods. Fourth, rather than depending upon tax-funded bureaucracies, a thriving market in protective services, technologies, and insurance products caters to the particular needs of multinational corporations and international shipping carriers, leading to greater specialization and technological progress that spills into other niches in the overall security industry.

Homeland Security and Justice

There are no permanent federal law enforcement bureaucracies. The militia of the several states are the primary institutions for security against external threats, repelling invasions, as well as ‘executing the laws of the union’ inside the federation’s jurisdiction. This ensures that legislators cannot pass laws that cause harm or impose undue costs on the people. The prevailing political philosophy and cultural norm is equal justice under a common law, with no privileges or immunities for anyone, whether or not they hold public office, and all enforcement is oriented toward the protection of life, liberty, and property.

Therefore, there are no wars on inanimate objects, like drugs or guns, nor any coercive redistribution schemes, like the war on poverty and its various subsidies for the indolent. Charity is no part of the legislative duties of government, but it proliferates in the private sector with tax credits and political membership dues discounts to those that donate toward the social good. However, since governments are humble, frugal, and restrained to their limited functions, there is no reckless unconstitutional spending that eats out the peoples’ substance, no inflation occurs on a hard monetary standard that destroys purchasing power and depletes savings. Nothing prevents capital formation or investment. This means technological progress and increased material abundance. The security people enjoy in their justly held property means high-trust, low time preference attitudes prevail throughout society.

Anyone can create, cultivate, possess, buy, or sell anything they want from whomever they choose, so long as the transactions are voluntary and cause no verifiable harm to anyone else. This is an application of the equal justice under a common law principle. This means an accuser must show material harm from a defendant’s actions. The burden to prove harm is on the accuser, and the integrity of private property is the standard of proof, covering all forms of cases, from noise pollution to murder, necessitating highly conservative yet entrepreneurial social attitudes. There is no ownership of thoughts, so there are no frivolous cases of antitrust, intellectual property, defamation, hate speech, or wrong-think. Since there is no obligatory welfare, food assistance, or unemployment benefits, people are incentivized to look after their own health, work to the best of their abilities, and abide by the rules of private insurance and mutual aid societies in order to reduce risk and prepare for their long-term care. Additionally, the discipline involved with militia service inculcates a health and fitness orientation that promotes the mind-body-spirit wellness usually associated with traditional martial arts training.

The Role and Conditions of Public Officials

Much of the political gravity and popular discussion surrounding the American federation of republics is focused on the member states and general government. However, in terms of practical operations, the preponderance of government activity occurs in sub-county entities. Just as Thomas Jefferson’s plans for “ward-republics” involved local self-government organized around territories and population densities large enough to compose a militia company, so too would a private property legal order largely revolve around participation in the militia and activities at the unit level.

As stated earlier, the militia depends upon having a population that is organized, armed, and disciplined (Article 1, Section 8, Clause 16) so that they can actively participate in executing the laws of the union, repelling invasions, and suppressing insurrections (Article 1, Section 8, Clause 15), as a necessary contribution to securing a free state (Second Amendment). The “free state” aspect applies to both the entire federation, which forms a compound republic, in relation to foreign states, as well as the member states vis-à-vis each other and the general government. Viewing the multi-dimensional, i.e., interstate, inter-federal, and intra-state, and full-spectrum security functions of the militia, i.e., law enforcement, territorial security, and domestic order, only reinforces why these crucial institutions are the only ones listed in the United States Constitution as necessary.

The militia of the several states are the indispensable node for government to function; they are the key to justice, defense, and domestic tranquility. The militia also provide training that ensures citizens possess moral virtues, sociability, and practical skills to maintain a private property legal order. Organizing and disciplining the militia is how shared values are inculcated, community spirit is fostered, and where leadership (as well as followership) skills are cultivated.

The militia companies are led by officers selected from within, by only the fully qualified members, with fixed durations and terms of office. The selection process is determined by individual militia company charters, so long as the provisions conform with the general organizational regulations set forth by the U.S. Congress and the individual state. However, the federal and state regulations, as a matter of principle, simply delineate the task organization expected of the militia to deal with the prevailing security conditions on behalf of those legislative bodies. Otherwise, the militia are left to attend to their own affairs within the sphere of their local ward-republic.

In this scenario, most ward-republics require that only fully qualified militia members, in good standing, are eligible to hold public office of any kind. Under a private property legal order, there would be little incentive, or authority, for communities to maintain tax-funded schools, animal control, sanitation services, or other utilities, with all those activities best conducted through voluntary contracts, disciplined by the market forces of supply and demand, and constantly guided by profit-and-loss signals. However, in the event that a ward-republic agrees by charter to establish such bureaucracies, those holding tax-funded positions must, for the duration of their parasitic employment, lose their qualified militia member status, the right to vote as a citizen, and, while still needing to maintain proficiencies, cease all involvement in law enforcement activity.

Those who live from taxes cannot be involved in tax collection. To be on the dole is looked down upon in a free society. To paraphrase Thomas Paine, people supporting a private property legal order view government as, at best, a necessary evil that easily transforms into an intolerable one.

Legislation and governmental administration are part of the political landscape under the mosaic of federal, state, county, city, town, village, and ward charters, and there are defined roles for those holding public office to fulfill. However, these are largely focused on arranging for mutual protection among these various political entities, again, with private property being the common denominator and sole unit of analysis for evaluating the effectiveness of the service. Each polity has its own prerogatives within the respective networks, yet ultimately, the consumer of their services determines which services are most highly valued.

Membership dues are paid by individual and organizational constituent members to orchestrate security operations aimed at the “common defense” of subscribers. This means directing resources, funding, training, equipment, and personnel to specific areas to address genuine concerns. The “power of the purse” carries with it tremendous influence and, commensurately, an equal potential for corruption. Public officials are, out of necessity for securing a Free State, surveilled with constant suspicion, most notably by their peer groups in the local militia, because any wrongdoing by one of their members besmirches the entire unit.

Thus, the servant should never become the master in a service relationship, and a “monopoly on the use of force coupled with the power to tax” cannot be tolerated in a private law society. Anyone who enters public office wields the proverbial “power of the purse” and, therefore, must be denied the “power of the sword,” so to speak. The two, purse and sword, can never be held by the same political entity or officer. Therefore, legislators can determine the “what,” but it must always be the militia members themselves that determine “how” to achieve those security and justice priorities at the local level (recognize, again, that all police agencies are subordinate to the militia, who can also subcontract to private firms for supplementary and specialized services, but none enjoy any “sovereign” immunity for this would violate the principle of equal justice under a common law).

To summarize, public officials must be full-fledged militia members in order to qualify for elected or appointed offices. They must maintain their proficiency during the term of office but lose enforcement authority as an essential element in the separation of political powers. The militia unit, by this arrangement, has the immediate power to recall a public official that cannot maintain proficiency standards or one that acts in a manner contrary to the interests of their ward-republic back home. This feature has important implications for maintaining the integrity of the law as a vehicle for security, justice, and domestic tranquility, and for preventing government from becoming an instrument of conflict, predation, and tyranny.

Practical Implementation of Policy

Local militia units maintain relationships with other subscribing polities through voluntary affiliations.  Being organized and disciplined to provide mutual aid means that geographically proximate units regularly train together and conduct combined operations to address shared concerns.  Each political unit also maintains Committees of Correspondence to convey pertinent information, share intelligence, and coordinate events.  During America’s colonial and founding periods, Committees of Correspondence dispatched letters and met in person to deal with security issues, whether from criminals, hostile natives, or illegitimate government actions.  In contemporary times, modern communication technologies enable near real-time information flow, further empowering interoperability and the ability of decentralized units to act in concert.

Since the citizenry themselves compose the militia, with supplementation from contracted providers, and activities are largely self-funded, there is an emphasis on efficiency.  Units are obliged to reimburse other militia companies that render aid or incur losses, and accomplishing security objectives is always balanced with thoughtful risk analysis.  While most militia companies and governmental service entities have robust treasuries, from years of prudent management and sound investment, operations and training are conducted with the aim of preserving capital stocks, increasing property values, and expeditiously eliminating all threats to the contrary.

Just as in earlier days, civilized people face the greatest threats to their lives, liberties, and properties from anti-civilizational humans, whether they be petty criminals, feral savages, or the political caste (those whose subsistence strategy depends upon taxation, regulation, or other parasitic privileges or immunities afforded to them through perversions of the law and backed by governmental power).

Dealing with criminals under a private property legal order is premised upon restitution.  First, everyone has the right and duty to be organized, armed, and disciplined (Art 1, Sec 8, Cl 16) to execute the laws, repel invasions, and suppress insurrections (Art 1, Sec 8, Cl 15), which includes at the instance of their own case.  Therefore, incidents of crime are extremely low.

An armed society is a polite society.  A disciplined society upholds standards of just conduct.  An organized society has high-trust from frequent contact and low-time preferences from anticipation of continuous dealings.  Anti-social actors are quickly recognized in a property-centered society.  Those who refuse to abide by the two simple laws of natural justice, do all you’ve agreed to do (uphold contracts to exchange property), and do not encroach upon other people or their property, are readily marginalized by the rest of the community.

Reputations and relationships matter immensely under a private property legal order.  Just as, historically, most traditional martial arts schools in Japan would not admit students without two letters of introduction, so too does accessing services require maintaining a good name and strong social connections.  In many business relationships, a surety bond is required to begin operations. Therefore, commercial and familiar relations with bond issuers and designated guarantors remain imperative.

No one can be forced to provide food, shelter, employment, or any other form of care to anyone they choose not to associate with.  There is no forced integration, no artificial multiculturalism, and no diversity quotas in a free society. Everyone and every organization is free to determine their own criteria for membership, and all people reserve the right to refuse service to anyone.
Criminals will, predictably, be expelled from their militia unit, dropped from their insurance coverage, and banished from most reputable establishments.

All property is privately owned, whether by individuals, commercial firms, cooperatives, or other associations, and each has the right to oust trespassers at will and with commensurate force.  There is simply no place for an outlaw to physically stand in civil society.

With no one willing to house, feed, or employ a criminal, they can either retreat into the wilderness or seek shelter from specialty firms that offer respite under strict rules and supervision.  These are not prisons in a conventional sense, but expert facilities that arrange for criminal rehabilitation and opportunities to work through controlled conditions.

Those who seek a return to the benefits of social cooperation are bound to restore property to owners for any damage they’ve inflicted, remunerate the legal administrators who adjudicated the case, and pay for the services of the rehabilitation house.  None of these costs can be foisted upon taxpayers, although charitable benefactors, pro bono legal teams, and altruistic patrons may assist criminals along the reintegration journey with their own resources.
Important note: While everyone has a right to legal representation, there is no mechanism for public funds to subsidize defense attorneys for criminals. It is easy to conceive how any ward-republic, city, county, or state that diverted public funds toward supporting criminality, the very thing they are constituted to suppress, would quickly lose their subscriber base and either reform their ways or go out of business. A criminal’s legal defense will come at their own expense or from the merch of a sympathetic donor. This is another reason why citizens of a private law society are dissuaded from criminal behavior, barbarism, or undue conflicts, and are incentivized to maintain an excellent reputation with strong social bonds.

“The Democratic Socialists of America’s (DSA) new platform promises a world without bills. In their utopia, you’d see no rent check. No health insurance premium. No student loan repayment. No electricity bill. Life’s basics, including food, education, medicine, and transportation, would all become `common goods and utilities.'”

Ryan Bourne. 

The names of the Property and Freedom Society (PFS) and the Association for Law, Property, and Society (ALPS) might sound alike but as Grok confirms, yeah no. I mean just look at the latest article in its journal, Andrea McArdle, “Addressing the Challenges of Housing Insecurity in Urban Native America: Centering Affordability and Indigenous Values in Off-Reservation Housing,” Journal of Law, Property, and Society 10 (April 2026): 1–33. Typical mainstream statist drek. The piece operates entirely inside the conventional progressive academic register of property scholarship: historical injustice + equity framing + affordable housing policy + culturally tailored public/nonprofit interventions.