Law, Customs, and Culture
A property-centered legal order encompasses a broad variety of enforceable crimes. As expected, all of them are oriented toward the integrity of private property. The basic principles of natural law, do all you have agreed to do and do not encroach upon other persons or their property, provide the basis for contract and criminal law. Both are rooted in the integrity of property and its conflict-free exchange.
The first property, of course, is the human body, and any non-consensual contact can fit the common definitions of assault, battery, murder, or rape, etc., depending on the nature of the incident. An individual’s justly held possessions, whether acquired through original appropriation from the raw state of nature, or through voluntary transactions, such as trade or gifts, are protected from violations by law and customs.
Discussing customs, as a cultural phenomenon of accepted and expected ways of behaving, given particular social attitudes according to certain times and places, is an important aspect of law because there can never be enough enforcement resources to overcome a disrespectful culture. A society that does not largely accept the tenets of natural law is, by definition, uncivilized and tends toward chaos, upheaval, and tyranny. This is why the Federalist Papers describe democracy, a variant of the political philosophy now known as socialism, as being turbulent in their lives and violent in their deaths.
Many people have been conditioned through public schooling and mass media propaganda to associate democracy with freedom. Misplaced faith in the validity of voting as a euphemism for self-government only benefits the political caste by relinquishing to them centralized power, ill-defined governmental authorities, and passivity while the masses wait for the next election. These erroneous beliefs do not hold in a private law society. The security of individuals in their lives, liberties, and properties, along with the best means of defending them, holds greater importance than demagoguery and winning popularity contests.
Customs set the boundaries of order much more than legal codes when considering social interactions. The expectation that a customer will pay after a restaurant serves them a meal is an example of an informal contract, largely enforced through cultural norms. The dominant service relationship would fundamentally change if people did not respect this mode of behavior, and there could never be enough law enforcement officers to impose payment in the event of mass non-compliance.
The point here is to illustrate how important customs are to social order and, indeed, are more fundamental to domestic tranquility than legal codes. A private property legal order, with well-regulated militia as the indispensable node in the matrix governance landscape, addresses both law and customs. The population is organized and disciplined for militia service, and expected modes of behavior are inculcated along with preparations to conduct security and law enforcement operations. People learn to interact with each other in a respectful manner while recognizing, through direct experience in weapons handling, the implications of conflict. Again, an armed society is a polite one, and avoiding quarrels is paramount as a matter of personal survival. Social harmony is the product of this discipline.
So, courtesy, manners, and respect for others prevail in a private law society. Informal contracts are upheld through customs, and laws are designed to affirm the integrity of private property, which inherently includes the unfettered exchange thereof. A free market in arms is especially important as a necessary precondition for the people to perform their civic duty of helping to secure a Free State. Thus, a virtuous cycle of social evolution exists through participation in militia service as the primary institution of self-governance. The people are organized, armed, and disciplined to secure lives, liberty, and property for themselves and their fellow citizens.
Those that refuse to participate in this aspect of community service are ostracized, those that violate the law are harshly rebuked, and no one is forced to subsidize the profligate lifestyles of others. So, criminality and anti-social behaviors are kept to a minimum by this incentive structure.
The Humanity of Cold Legal Analysis
A private property legal order appears highly materialistic to some observers. However, property provides a common denominator by which the correctness of human action can be judged. In this way, a private law society is more humanistic, with people assessed by the conduct of their character, than what is found in a socialist, state-centric legal order, where a person’s status takes precedence over the relationships they hold or the agreements they have made.
The British historian and jurist Henry Sumner Maine rightly observed that the greatest advance in legal thought was the move from status to contract. A private property order operationalizes this evolution so that no individual can pervert the law based on who they are or the positions they hold. Every legal case, for everyone, is based upon ownership of their bodies, their personal possessions, or the transferred authority given to them by others via implicit or explicit contracts.
Public officials are subject to these same strictures to the same degree as any other citizen. No one can interfere with the rights to property, nor abrogate or invent a contract, which are nothing more than agreements to exchange property, without a valid claim to established law or custom. There are no privileges or immunities, no subsidies or dispensations, for anyone based on race, color, religion, sex, or office. One only has authority over their own property, acquired through original appropriation, trade, or gift, or the property of others conditionally made available for their use through contracted arrangements.
Children also possess natural self-ownership rights, but also due to the disability of their biological development, exist under the guardianship of their parents or legal caretakers. Until they reach full maturity, a child’s rights are held in trust by their guardians, who in turn have the authority to assert property rights on behalf of their children.
Accusations of abuse or negligence made against parents are difficult to prosecute, since few, if any, can claim a stronger property trusteeship than a parent, and there are no tax-funded child and family regulatory bureaucracies in a private property legal order (no one in their right mind would voluntarily join such an invasive political arrangement). However, social institutions, such as churches, fraternities, and mutual aid societies, can impose significant pressure and sanctions on parents to behave responsibly. Some may even include a code of conduct regarding the status of children as a condition of membership, with penalties and procedures for dealing with accusations or confirmed cases of child abuse.
The same is situation applies to the highly contentious issue of abortion. No one has a stronger claim of property ownership over a woman’s body, or a baby growing inside it, than the mother. Rightly, then, no one can interfere with her decisions about how to dispose of it. Most members of a mutual defense community or political society would not elect to pay extra to build the surveillance and enforcement mechanisms necessary to prevent every doctor, pharmacist, herbalist, or folk healer from servicing every birthing-age female within their jurisdiction with abortion services or products, and those that would only have very limited jurisdictional ranges. Therefore, under a private property legal code, abortion is legal, yet can be highly discouraged through social institutions and customs. Further, because of the soundness of free-market money and a low time preference, high-trust society, charitable institutions that offer relief to pregnant teens and orphans are prolific.
Simultaneously, many church communities have young girls, under their parents’ consent, enter contracts in which they promise to deliver the child unto the religious community’s care rather than seek an abortion. Again, community pressure and the fear of ostracism are much more effective at dealing with thorny issues than building an expensive, intrusive, and authoritarian police state.
Arbitration and Restitution
Recognizing that children are self-owning individuals whose rights are held in trust by their parents or guardians allows for analyzing crimes committed against them with a private law lens. Parents or guardians hold the property rights of the children in their care until the age of emancipation, from which a child can assert their own agency. Those who violate children’s rights are liable for restitution to the child’s parents or legal guardian.
Assault, battery, theft, fraud, robbery, or negligent homicide are, to describe it dispassionately, fairly straightforward cases and easily handled through existing precedents and case law. Remedies will vary among jurisdictions and according to local customs and conditions; however, there is a general rule of “two teeth for a tooth” in libertarian legal theory. This posits that an offender owes compensation to a victim in the form of whatever costs they’ve imposed by their offensive actions, first to restore the victim to their prior state, then double that amount as punishment and to compensate for the inconvenience caused by the offense. Added to this are the costs of administering justice, paid to the rights enforcement and arbitration agencies involved, both political and commercial.
Most of the settlement issues between two upstanding members of society would likely be sorted out between the individuals’ insurance agencies, to minimize the disruptions to a victim’s life and livelihood, in stark contrast to statist-bureaucratic legal procedures that tend to drag on at minimal efficiency. In a private law society, the perpetrators’ comeuppance is normally felt most severely after the victim receives compensation from their insurance company. The financial reckoning comes with the cost of maintaining membership in the matrix of relationships that depend on good character and conduct, such as employment, liability coverage, militia affiliation, political community, and other civic groups. The road to rehabilitation is quite extensive and involves many steps when people are not forced to accept someone they disagree with onto their properties, or in their businesses or clubs.
Those without strong social bonds or some form of political affiliation, as covered previously, lack insurance or militia membership coverage, and therefore, are considered outside the law’s protection. They are more colloquially known as outlaws. It is very difficult to live as an outlaw in a private property legal order.
Property rights inherently entail the prerogative to include or exclude, to associate or disassociate, to collaborate or separate. With equal justice under a common law, no public official or political body can override property rights and compel artificial social integration. Everyone reserves the right to refuse service or affiliation with anyone for any reason. When property owners insist upon evidence of a person’s character, or in some cases liability coverage, before admitting them onto their premises or into their organizations, those without social proof will be pushed outside the bounds of civil society.
Outlaws will only find respite in unincorporated spaces that lack the infrastructure and conveniences of a developed economy or functioning civil society. Alternatively, they can find refuge inside specialty facilities, along with the strict supervisory rules and agreements discussed earlier with regard to criminal rehabilitation.
Extreme Criminal Cases
Then, what about egregious cases, such as child or elder abuse, sexual assault, rape, premeditated murder, or sadistic torture? With an emphasis on restitution, is there a place for the death penalty in a private property legal order? The short answer is, yes.
A liability verdict rendered in a criminal case against an offender offers the victim a claim to restitution. A restitution claim acts like a corporate bond. The offender must legally make regular coupon payments in accordance with the terms of the judgement until the principal is fully discharged. The offender becomes a debtor and the victim becomes a creditor. The adjudicated bond is a claim to future payments and, from this, it is easy to conceive the emergence of a market for trading and servicing such “criminal justice” bonds.
Some creditors (former victims) would prefer a lump sum payment in the present rather than waiting on incremental coupon payments. Capital management firms offer discounted cash buyouts to the holders of criminal justice bonds in exchange for the claim to the full remaining value in the future. This is similar to how financial services companies purchase loans from banks. Through these sales, banks free up liquidity to offer more loans to retail or commercial clients while the loan buyers collect future coupon payments or sell the loans on the secondary market. Sometimes loans are bundled into other financial products, such as the mortgage-backed securities that became famous during the 2008 Global Financial Crisis.
Criminal justice bonds also carry significant risk, again, similar to how mortgage-backed securities turned out to be chock-full of non-performing loans in 2008. Criminals generally tend to neglect social obligations, and it is readily conceivable that repaying debts to their victims would follow this pattern. Therefore, their creditors in many cases happily accept a discounted price for the bonds they hold in the present. Firms that purchase these bonds accept the possibility of default in the future but receive the premium value for, first, shouldering the risk, and, second, accepting the time-bound terms of a bond coming into maturity.
In a private law society, there is no official lender of last resort, no tax-funded bailout mechanisms, and no business is too big to fail. Under hard money standards, no central bank exists with the power to “print” fiduciary media ex nihilo to provide financial institutions with emergency liquidity injections. To remain viable, capital management firms take risk analysis seriously, and contractual relationships for insurance and reinsurance are made with due diligence.
Analyzing criminal justice bonds is a niche skill requiring due consideration for the nature of the crime, the compensation due, the conditions of the debtor, and the likelihood of repayment.
At some point, the liabilities incurred from a person’s criminal behavior exceed their ability to make restitution or garner support from criminal rehabilitation firms, insurance companies, or charitable organizations. Particularly egregious crimes may lead to a victim, or the caretakers of a victim’s estate, to refuse any amount of monetary compensation for their loss. Such cases are generally rare, but there are legal provisions that lead to criminals facing corporal forms of punishment. Rapists and other sexual assaulters, for example, may submit to chemical castration in return for reduced financial penalties or other, harsher, retributions. Again, the law and social customs in a private property legal order tend to prefer restitution and other efforts to restore victims of crime to wholeness, rather than punishment, yet a holistic approach to justice encompasses a full gamut of remedies.
Imposing the death penalty opens the market for justice services from a variety of angles. First, the victims’ adjudicated claims to an offender’s death are relatively rare and fetch a commensurate premium. A variety of market actors bid on the right to overtake these death penalty claims.
First, charitable groups and compassionate criminal rehabilitation organizations, which may have been previously uninterested in a case, take notice of death penalty claims after they are issued. These groups raise the compensation levels, liability bonds, and control conditions in order to save the offender’s life. On the other hand, “tough on crime” groups, vigilance associations, and chivalric societies offer to purchase the right to the execution claim in hopes of seeing “harsh justice” done. The bid and counter-bid process leads to higher compensation for the victim and relief from the burdens of finalizing execution arrangements.
Next, the actual conduct of executing the offender also sees a variety of market opportunities. Various groups negotiate over the circumstances and methods of execution. Even the condemned offender, usually working through advocates, gets a say on whether the event will be public-facing or a private affair. An offender may agree to make their own execution a type of “pay-per-view” event, with a negotiated portion of the proceeds set aside for their offspring, estate, or some other beneficiary. Promotional agents bid for the rights to host the events among a tapestry of venues, insurers, and standardization bodies that strive toward a professional and profitable performance.
Personal integrity and esprit de corps are esteemed in a private law society. Alongside the duty to serve in the militia, and the corresponding requirements to be organized, armed, and disciplined to carry out security and justice functions, an honor code exists that inspires upstanding individuals to act courageously, pursue excellence in the martial arts, and perform admirably in matters of life and death. Alongside the personal responsibility imposed by a hard money standard, and strict adherence to contracts, one’s reputation for fidelity and martial virtue is a prize that cannot be commoditized like what is seen in a world of fiat money and politically perverted law. Performing a lawful execution well becomes both an expression of skill and a solemn responsibility that reflects upon the executioner’s own character as well as the organizations they are a part of.
So, martial adepts, militia units, vigilance committees, and other criminal justice advocates vie for the opportunity to carry out a death sentence for a variety of reasons. Foremost among these is raising restitution funds for the victim, derived from the bidding process, charitable donations, and, in many cases, ticket sales for the event. However, many do it in hopes of elevating their reputations as skillful and dutiful citizen-warriors. It is an honor to “swing the sword” of justice in a worthy case and earning the privilege, as well as the remuneration for the act, requires demonstrable skill. Militia units, insurance firms, standardization bodies, and a variety of interest groups take due care to ensure the event will be conducted competently and without incident.
This also leads to related preparatory training, competition, and certification events at various sorts of “militia Olympics” that ensure only mentally, physically, and technically prepared individuals are selected for the task. Only those qualified through an arduous pipeline of preparation, and endorsed by their militia units, can become an official executioner. Further, militia units, their insurers and reinsurers, along with other affiliated groups, provide psychological counseling and spiritual aftercare for those who conduct executions. Indeed, there is popular acclaim and prestige for performing these necessary duties, but the burdens of taking a human life outside of direct combat weigh heavily over the long-term. Portions of the proceeds are set aside for restoring the executioner to personal wholeness as well as social reintegration.
Thus, the death penalty is rare in a private law society that prizes restitution over retribution, but there are cases that require extreme justice remedies, and the free market readily adapts to provide a variety of solutions.
