There are entire books by proponents of and sympathizers to the "Lost Cause." There are also libraries of them on the same subject by actual historians, who sometimes take the trouble to pick apart the arguments of the quack academics. (I recommended a good one defending Abraham Lincoln (!) here some time ago.)
This is all well and good. I am not a historian, and, although my academic background makes me more comfortable than many judging the limits of my knowledge, there is sometimes no substitute for engaging in primary sources.
I have too much to do and too little time to become an expert on the Civil War, and frankly, I have about zero interest in doing so.
But I can read English, and the full text of documents, such as the Mississippi Secession Ordinance are available online.
It's surprisingly short and clear, to the point that I wonder how many rank-and-file fans of these authors -- some of whom have academic degrees, but pitch their arguments exclusively to non-academics -- have ever seen, let alone read them.
Please take some time to read it and come back. I wouldn't want to be rude by interrupting, or worse, stop someone from doing such a good job of telling us about themselves.
After the title is a curious paragraph whose stated purpose is to "declare the prominent reasons which have induced our course." (Its unstated purpose is to play the victim and deny responsibility, as revealed by the passive voice and, later, by a false alternative.)
The 700-odd word document cuts right to the chase:
Our position is thoroughly identified with the institution of slavery-- the greatest material interest of the world. [my bold]It continues, but I want to note that the study of history is about both fact and interpretation. (Pseudohistory deals with excuses, which it pawns off as interpretation.)
An excuse I have heard for the above disgraceful sentence is something along the lines of They fought the war for economic reasons, often followed up with They eventually wanted to abolish slavery. The rest of the paragraph lends some superficial plausibility to those ideas, if you squint hard enough:
Its labor supplies the product which constitutes by far the largest and most important portions of commerce of the earth. These products are peculiar to the climate verging on the tropical regions, and by an imperious law of nature, none but the black race can bear exposure to the tropical sun. These products have become necessities of the world, and a blow at slavery is a blow at commerce and civilization. That blow has been long aimed at the institution, and was at the point of reaching its consummation. There was no choice left us but submission to the mandates of abolition, or a dissolution of the Union, whose principles had been subverted to work out our ruin.Its labor? The correct pronoun is whose, as in whose labor.
None but the black race can take the sun and the heat ... and, apparently a lack of freedom.
No choice. Abolitionists, informed by the founding principles of the protection of individual rights, struggled since before America's founding with how to end slavery. I am not going to pretend that that was an easy question. But even then, as Confederate apologists admit when they try to whitewash this, there were not only two choices before the free people of the South.
Subverted to our ruin. There is talk of property rights -- which are inalienably of the individual. Property rights are indeed a principle of the American founding. But as derived from the right to one's own life and person, they aren't what is being subverted by the prospect of the end of slavery.
There is no such thing as the right to own another person. It is the Confederates' attempt to subvert that more fundamental right that indeed led to their ruination.
Let's take a quick look at a few more points on the danger to "our institution" -- wording that conveniently forgets the millions of human lives the authors were ruining or had ended by placing them in a danger they did not even acknowledge.
The thin excuse that the Confederates needed slavery -- as if one man's need is a claim on the life of another -- because they depended on farming in a tropical climate -- dies a quick death when the authors complain in rapid succession about the Northwest Ordinance and the Missouri Compromise, which excluded further expansion of slavery north of Arkansas. Oh, and that idea that they were fighting a war to abolish slavery later looks a bit suspect, too.
This is interesting:
It advocates negro equality, socially and politically, and promotes insurrection and incendiarism in our midst.It is especially interesting when considering this passage, from some time later:
It seeks not to elevate or to support the slave, but to destroy his present condition without providing a better.Does this accusation also apply to runaway slaves? I have heard of people claiming blacks were generally better off under slavery. The slaves themselves didn't seem to agree, and chose uncertainty and danger over that lot.
And not thinking of a graceful way to end slavery is a virtue compared to whining about being unable to expand it.
Much of the rest consists in what Ayn Rand might have called "the Big Projection:"
[The Union (considered as a collective --ed)] has enlisted its press, its pulpit and its schools against us, until the whole popular mind of the North is excited and inflamed with prejudice.Excited and inflamed with prejudice! Schemes!
It has made combinations and formed associations to carry out its schemes of emancipation in the States and wherever else slavery exists.
What really takes the cake they save for near the end:
... We must either submit to degradation, and to the loss of property worth four billions of money, or we must secede from the Union framed by our fathers, to secure this as well as every other species of property. For far less cause than this, our fathers separated from the Crown of England.So much for the quote from the Declaration of Independence -- which was every signer's death warrant -- that "we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor."
Sure. Money built on treating others like cattle and the honor of not admitting that mistake are way nobler than throwing off the chains of tyranny in the process of winning one's freedom.
-- CAV