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The Morning of Acmeism: The Forgotten School of Reality-Affirming Poetry

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Osip Mandelstam’s “The Morning of Acmeism” (1913) is a brief yet ambitious manifesto attempting to articulate the aesthetic principles of one of the most distinctive poetic movements of early-twentieth-century Russia. Acmeism—its name derived from the Greek akmē, meaning the highest point, prime, or moment of full flowering—unfortunately remains largely unfamiliar to Western readers, even to those interested in literature. But anyone concerned with the nature of language, with the role of form in art, or with the possibility of a reality-oriented aesthetics will find value in this movement.

Mandelstam’s work does not present a systematic argument; rather, it offers a series of compressed reflections on the nature of poetry, the role of words within poetry, and the relationship between artistic form and reality. Its brevity is deceptive: Within a few pages, Mandelstam sketches a theory that is at once beautiful and implicitly philosophic.

The meaning and value of Acmeism cannot be deeply understood apart from its historical context. Russia, as Russian-born philosopher Ayn Rand once characterized it, was “the ugliest and, incidentally, most mystical country on earth.”1 Recent events have led many to agree with her. Although Russia occasionally shared certain cultural and political developments with Western Europe, it never experienced either a renaissance or a full enlightenment. Despite intermittent attempts by individual Russian rulers to “open a window to Europe,” the country remained largely untouched by the intellectual revolutions that shaped the modern West.2 It was an autocratic and deeply mystical society.

However, several significant people in the history of art were born in this environment. This is not because oppression produces creativity—it does not. Control, censorship, and prohibition restrain people’s creative potential, but some resist. And in that resistance, many cultivate and embody certain qualities—clarity, conviction, the desire to create—that enable them to oppose the dominant forces of their time.

Russian culture, particularly from the late eighteenth century onward, developed in constant tension with the culture of Western Europe. Without that influence, the intellectual culture of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Russia could not have emerged in the form it did. The Russian intelligentsia did not arise in isolation; it arose through engagement with ideas that already had been forged elsewhere.

Within this framework, some Russian thinkers and artists gradually came to recognize the backwardness of their own culture—and to define themselves in opposition to it. But opposition alone is not enough. One cannot fight effectively against something without knowing what one is fighting for. A vague sense of alternative possibilities may suffice to initiate resistance; a clear and positive vision is far rarer—and necessary for lasting change.

It is in this tension between Russian culture and its Western influences that the Silver Age of Russian culture was born. This period, beginning in the final decades of the nineteenth century and ending in the aftermath of the Bolshevik Revolution, was marked by an extraordinary flourishing of artistic activity, particularly in poetry. Its dominant literary movement was Symbolism.3

Originating in France in the second half of the nineteenth century and formally articulated in Jean Moréas’s 1886 “Symbolist Manifesto,” Symbolism was said to be grounded in a specific premise: The world we perceive with our senses is not self-sufficient but points beyond itself to a realm of “primordial Ideas.” The task of poetry, therefore, is not to name but to suggest; not to define but to evoke the hidden correspondences that link sensory appearances to a deeper realm of meaning.4

In Russia, Symbolism developed somewhat later, in the 1890s. Initially an adaptation of the French model, it soon acquired a more explicitly philosophic dimension. Russian Symbolism transformed the poetic gesture of suggestion into a metaphysical project: Poetry became a means not merely of indicating ideas but of accessing a supposed higher, nonmaterial realm. Figures such as Valery Bryusov, Konstantin Balmont, Alexander Blok, and Andrei Bely exemplify this development.5

But not all artists of Russia’s Silver Age accepted this direction.

Acmeism emerged in Russia between 1910 and 1912 as a conscious break with Symbolism and its fundamental way of viewing the world. Its institutional center was the “Guild of Poets,” founded in St. Petersburg by Nikolai Gumilev and Sergei Gorodetsky. The movement’s theoretical articulation came in 1912–1913, most notably in Mandelstam’s “The Morning of Acmeism” and Gumilev’s “The Heritage of Symbolism and Acmeism.”

Against the Symbolist tendency to dissolve the poetic word into vague suggestion, Acmeism affirmed clarity, concreteness, and form. Words, for the Acmeists, must have a definite meaning grounded in reality; they must not evaporate into an endless chain of subjective associations. This theoretical advance enabled Acemists to produce a body of poetry marked by precision, balance, and a profound respect for language.

Because poetry cannot be translated from one language to another without loss—its sound, rhythm, and internal structure are inseparable from its meaning—it is difficult to convey the full aesthetic achievement of the Acmeists in another language. What can be examined, however, are the principles that made that achievement possible.

These principles, despite their strength, did not secure the movement a lasting cultural position in Russia. There were two reasons for this. The first was political: The Soviet regime did not merely oppose the spirit of Acmeism; it destroyed its representatives. The second was philosophic: Acmeism, for all its insights, rested on unresolved contradictions.

The Acmeists themselves did not consider their relationship to Symbolism purely antagonistic. Gumilev explicitly wrote that a new movement must inherit the achievements of its predecessor.6 And on the level of technique, Acmeism owes much to Symbolism. But at the level of fundamentals, the break is decisive. Symbolism, both in France and in Russia, was grounded in a fundamentally mystical view of reality. Acmeism, by contrast, moved toward a realist orientation.

This is most evident in Mandelstam’s manifesto “The Morning of Acmeism.” He begins by insisting that the value of a work lies not in the artist’s worldview but in the work itself. The worldview is a means, not an end. This anticipates a crucial principle: The value of art lies in the work itself—or, stated negatively, art is not the means to any didactic end. Mandelstam continues: “To exist is the highest pride of the artist. He desires no other paradise than being. . . . The modest outward appearance of a work of art often deceives us as to the monstrously condensed reality it contains.”7

This idea of a “condensed reality,” which Mandelstam does not develop or clarify, seems within the context of his writing to refer to the artist’s selective re-creation of reality through his art—its concretization.8 In addition to art “condensing” reality by concretizing it, the word itself is likewise “condensed” in poetry, because, for Mandelstam, it is not a mere vehicle of meaning.

In ordinary speech, a word functions as a sign conveying thought; from this arises the habit of treating its logical meaning as its “content,” whereas sound, rhythm, and structure are considered secondary. Mandelstam rejects this division in poetry. In Acmeism, the poetic word is not a detachable container of content but an integral form. Meaning—or, as Mandelstam calls it, logos—stands on an equal footing with sound and rhythm. The mature poetic word is neither a transparent carrier of meaning nor an empty play of sounds but a stable, “vertical” form in which meaning, sound, and structure become inseparable. It is this unity to which the poet must aspire in his craft.9 As Gumilev wrote:

While valuing the Symbolists for having revealed to us the importance of the symbol in art, we do not agree to sacrifice other modes of poetic effect to it and seek their full coordination. . . . It is more difficult to be an Acmeist than a Symbolist, just as it is more difficult to build a cathedral than a tower.10

Mandelstam develops this architectural metaphor into one of the central images of Acmeism:

Acmeism is for those who, possessed by the spirit of building, do not faintheartedly renounce their own weight, but gladly accept it in order to awaken and use the architecturally dormant forces within it. . . . What madman would agree to build if he did not believe in the reality of the material whose resistance he must overcome? In the hands of the architect, a cobblestone turns into substance, and he was not born to build for whom the sound of the chisel breaking stone is not a metaphysical proof.11

The poet works not with arbitrary signs but with real material—the word in its wholeness. Here one finds an idea close to a principle originally captured by Francis Bacon: Nature, to be commanded, must be obeyed. Likewise, to achieve aesthetic zenith in poetry, one must accept the word as material in all its specificity and submit to its nature.

Mandelstam continues:

The Symbolists were poor homebodies; they loved travel, but they felt ill at ease in the cage of their own organism and in that world-cage which Kant built with the help of his categories. . . . What would you say of an ungrateful guest who lives at his host’s expense, makes use of his hospitality, yet inwardly despises him and thinks only of how to outwit him? . . . That is why the architect must be a good homebody, whereas the Symbolists were poor builders.12

His attitude toward “that world-cage which Kant built” is not entirely clear. Both Kant and the Symbolists despised the hospitable host—reality—wishing to “outwit” it by calling it merely “phenomenal” and holding that some other, “noumenal” reality lay beyond it. But Mandelstam’s complaint, it seems, amounted merely to this: that the Symbolists were not content with describing the phenomenal world but hopelessly strove to pass beyond its limits. Be that as it may, Mandelstam argues that the architect, with whom he compares the Acmeist poet, must love reality and the material it provides for creation and must respect their identity in his work. This is brilliantly right.

The following passage is, in essence, the most beautiful expression of the positive side of Acmeism—of what is distinctly Acmeist in it rather than merely inherited from Symbolism:

A=A: What a beautiful poetic theme. Symbolism languished, grew bored with the law of identity; Acmeism makes it its slogan and offers it in place of the dubious a realibus ad realiora [from the real to the more real]. The capacity for wonder is the poet’s chief virtue. But how can one fail to marvel at the most fruitful of laws—the law of identity? Whoever is filled with reverent wonder before this law is undoubtedly a poet. Thus, by recognizing the sovereignty of the law of identity, poetry receives all that exists into lifelong feudal possession, without conditions or limitations. Logic is the kingdom of surprise. To think logically means to be in continual astonishment. We have come to love the music of proof. Logical connection is for us not a little song about a siskin, but a symphony with organ and singing, so difficult and inspired that the conductor must strain all his powers to keep the performers obedient. To prove, and to prove to the end: to take anything in art on faith is unworthy of the artist—easy and dull.

We do not fly; we rise only to those towers that we ourselves can build.13

Here everything speaks for itself, and the only comment I can offer is: yes.

At its highest point, Mandelstam’s manifesto affirms a view of poetry grounded in reality, clarity, and the integrity of the word. He even identified Gothic architecture as the material analog of this ideal, describing the Middle Ages as marked by a “noble mixture of rationality and mysticism.” Yet this formulation reveals a tension. The same thinker who celebrated the law of identity and the “music of proof” did not fully abandon the language of mysticism and so could not fully escape its consequences. The realist impulse of Acmeism is genuine—but not consistently sustained.

This inconsistency points to the first reason that the movement failed to establish itself as a durable cultural force: a lack of philosophic integration. The Acmeists moved beyond Symbolism but didn’t do so decisively. The realist metaphysics implicit in Mandelstam’s essay was never fully articulated or defended.

This limitation becomes clearer in Nikolai Gumilev’s “The Heritage of Symbolism and Acmeism,” wherein he writes:

Russian Symbolism directed its main forces toward the realm of the unknown. . . . And it has the right to ask the movement that comes to replace it . . . what relation it bears to the unknowable. The first thing Acmeism can answer under such interrogation is that the unknowable . . . cannot be known. The second is that all attempts in that direction are unchaste. All the beauty, all the sacred significance of the stars lies in the fact that they are infinitely distant from the earth and will not come closer through any successes of aviation. . . .

To remember always the unknowable, but not to insult one’s thought of it with more or less probable guesses—such is the principle of Acmeism. . . . Of course . . . the beautiful lady Theology will remain on her throne, but the Acmeists do not wish either to lower her to the level of literature or to raise literature into her diamond-cold realm.14

Gumilev rejected the Symbolists’ attempts to penetrate the unknown—but not the notion of the unknowable itself. His argument rested on restraint, not on rejection. The “infinitely distant stars” he invoked have, in fact, come closer—through the achievements of human reason. The unknowable should be rejected not because it cannot be known but because it does not exist. In a universe governed by the law of identity, there is, in principle, nothing unknowable. By failing to fully embrace this implication, the Acmeists never escaped what Mandelstam himself called “that world-cage which Kant built.”15

The second reason Acmeism failed to establish itself as a durable cultural force was political. After the Bolshevik Revolution, the communist regime subordinated literature to ideological goals, culminating in the doctrine of socialist realism. A movement committed to the autonomy of form and the integrity of language could not survive under such conditions. Its representatives paid with their lives: Gumilev was executed, his wife and fellow Acmeist Anna Akhmatova was silenced and persecuted, and Osip Mandelstam died in a labor camp. Acmeism was not merely eclipsed—it was destroyed.

And yet, its legacy endures. The Acmeists knew what they opposed, and they grasped—if only partially—what they sought: poetry of clarity, form, and fidelity to reality. Their failure was not one of intention but of integration. For that reason, their work remains both a genuine achievement and an unfinished project.

I would like to close with a poem by Mandelstam—a poet who marveled at the law of identity and believed, despite everything, in the future of his country and of world culture:

Let the names of flowery cities
Caress the ear with fleeting glory —
It is not Rome the city that’s immortal,
But man’s presence in the universe.

Kings try to get man in their power,
Priests find excuses for their wars,
And yet without him hearths and altars
Like wretched rubble are beneath contempt.
16


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1

In an interview with Phil Donahue in April 1980.

2

The phrase alludes to Alexander Pushkin’s description in The Bronze Horseman of Peter the Great’s founding of St. Petersburg as an attempt “to cut a window through to Europe.”

3

Symbolism (with a capital S) is a specific literary school or movement distinct from symbolism in general.

4

Jean Moréas, “Le Symbolisme,” Le Figaro. Supplément littéraire, September 18, 1886, 150. Moréas writes that concrete phenomena are “apparences sensibles destinées à représenter leurs affinités ésotériques avec des Idées primordiales” [“sensible appearances destined to represent their esoteric affinities with primordial Ideas”]. Translation mine.

5

Rand, when asked who her favorite poets were, named Alexander Blok, “an untranslatable Russian whose sense of life is ghastly, but who is a magnificent poet.” See Ayn Rand, Ayn Rand Answers: The Best of Her Q&A, ed. Robert Mayhew (New York: New American Library, 2005).

6

See Nikolai Gumilev, “Nasledie simvolizma i akmeizm” [“The Heritage of Symbolism and Acmeism”], in Polnoe sobranie sochinenii: v 10 tomakh [Complete Works in Ten Volumes], vol. 7, Stat’i o literature i iskusstve. Obzory. Retsenzii [Articles on Literature and Art. Surveys. Reviews] (Moscow: Voskresen’e, 2006), 147. First published in Apollon, no. 1 (1913): 42–45.

7

Osip Mandelstam, “Utro akmeizma” [“The Morning of Acmeism”], in Polnoe sobranie sochinenii i pisem: v trekh tomakh [Complete Works and Letters in Three Volumes], 3rd rev. and expanded ed., vol. 2, Proza [Prose], compiled and annotated by A. G. Mets (St. Petersburg: Internet-izdanie, 2020), 20. First published in Sirena (Voronezh), nos. 4/5 (1919). Unless otherwise noted, all translations from Mandelstam are my own.

8

In a sense consistent with Objectivist aesthetics: “Art is a selective re-creation of reality according to an artist’s metaphysical value-judgments.” Ayn Rand, “Art and Cognition,” in The Romantic Manifesto (New York: Signet, 1969), 45.

9

This is why Mandelstam also rejects Futurism. By stripping the word of its inherited meaning, the Futurists did not overcome the Symbolists’ error but inverted it: where the Symbolists dissolved meaning into suggestion, the Futurists expelled conscious meaning altogether.

10

Gumilev, “Nasledie simvolizma i akmeizm,” 148. Translation mine.

11

Mandelstam, “Utro akmeizma,” 21.

12

Mandelstam, “Utro akmeizma,” 22.

13

Mandelstam, “Utro akmeizma,” 23.

14

Gumilev, “Nasledie simvolizma i akmeizm,” 149. Translation mine.

15

Mandelstam, “Utro akmeizma,” 22.

16

Osip Mandelstam, “Let the Names of Flowery Cities . . .” [“Пусть имена цветущих городов . . .”], trans. Peter Russell, RuVerses: Russian Poems in Translations (accessed May 1, 2026).

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"None of us are greedy. It’s only the other fellow who’s greedy."

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"Q: When you see the bad distribution of wealth, so few who have so much and so many who have nothing… did you ever have a moment of doubt about capitalism and whether Greed's a good idea to run on? 

"A: Well, first of all tell me: do you know of any society that does NOT run on greed? Do you think Russia doesn't run on greed? You think China doesn't run on greed? 

"And what is greed? None of us is greedy, of course. It's only the other fellow who's greedy.

"The world runs on individuals pursuing their separate interests. The great achievements of civilization did not come out of government offices. Einstein didn't build his theory on the order of a bureaucrat. Ford didn't revolutionise the automobile industry that way. The only cases in which the masses have escaped the kind of grinding poverty you're talking about -- the only cases in recorded history -- are those where they had capitalism and largely free trade. 

"If you want to know where the masses are worse off it's exactly in the kinds of societies that depart from that. So that the record of history is absolutely crystal clear that there is no alternative way so far discovered of improving the lot of the ordinary people that can hold a candle to the productive activities that are unleashed by free enterprise system.

"Q: But it seems to reward the ability to manipulate the system, not virtue. 

"A: And what does reward virtue? Do you think a communist commissar rewards virtue? You think a Hitler? Do you think American presidents reward virtue -- do they choose their appointees on the basis of the virtue of the people appointed, or on the basis of their political clout?

"Is it really true that political self-interest is nobler somehow than economic self-interest? 

"You know I think you're taking a lot of things for granted. And just tell me: where in the world are you going to find these angels who are going to organise society for us? I don't even trust you to do that, let alone myself."
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DSA Assault on Prisons Is Rooted in Third World-ist Lust for Barbarism

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gangsterofboats
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Bright Eyes Singer’s Trumpian Writer’s Block, Explained

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The musical community suffers from Selective Outrage Syndrome, or SOS.

Rockers raged against President George W. Bush during his two terms in office. Green Day built its entire punk brand around the GOP leader’s presidency and the Iraq War.

YouTube Video

Musicians similarly howled when Donald Trump began calling the White House home.

Some construct entire tours around said rage.

YouTube Video

Yet when other egregious events take place, events that can’t be pinned on a GOP figure, they grow silent.

Consider how few musicians sang or complained about the following:

  • The Oct. 7 terrorist attack on Israel
  • The Nova Music Festival attack, part of the Oct. 7 massacre
  • The Twitter Files
  • Cancel Culture
  • The silencing of Hunter Biden Laptop story
  • The Russian collusion hoax
  • A political party hiding a president’s cognitive decline
  • Iran slaughtering tens of thousands of its own people

That’s just a partial list. Quick, name all the times those topics got mentioned in song, during a Grammy speech or elsewhere.

Get the point?

Now, Bright Eyes’ lead singer Conor Oberst is complaining about life under President Donald Trump. It turns out the “con man” is so outrageous he can’t summon the strength to pen a protest song about him.

“If you can have just a person at that base level of moral decrepitude as Trump […] He’s a conman, [who] has done nothing but rob the country.”

YouTube Video

The selective outrage from the artistic community is exhausting, and it’s hardly relegated to music. Actors began caring about free speech the moment Jimmy Kimmel got benched for lying about the alleged assassin who killed Charlie Kirk.

But when singer M.I.A. got booted from a major concert tour for a quick, right-leaning rant, the silence was deafening.

Here’s a more constructive path for Oberst. Try talking to some Trump supporters. Find out why they follow him and the political causes that mean the most to them.

Next, push aside the 24/7 fear mongering from the Legacy Media and consider a few right-leaning platforms. The Daily Wire. The Washington Examiner. 

You might even find the inspiration to sing about our political divide and how media sources (on both sides) make it much worse.

That song could have an impact on the culture, a positive one that doesn’t wallow in the usual anti-Trump talking points.

You might lose a friend or two on the Political Left, but you could gain a wider audience with folks eager to hear something new, fresh and uplifting.

The post Bright Eyes Singer’s Trumpian Writer’s Block, Explained appeared first on Hollywood in Toto.

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Billionaires...

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"The power which a [b]illionaire ... has over me is very much less than that which the smallest functionaire possesses who wields the coercive power of the state, and on whose discretion it depends whether and how I am to be allowed to live or to work."
~ Friedrich Hayek from his 1944 book The Road to Serfdom
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Why Fascists Admired Keynes's Economics

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“Fascism entirely agrees with Mr. Maynard Keynes, despite the latter’s prominent position as a Liberal.” 

So wrote the British fascist James Strachey Barnes in his 1928 book Universal Aspects of Fascism, which included a glowing preface written by Mussolini himself. “In fact,” Barnes continued, “Mr. Keynes’s excellent little book, The End of Laissez-Fairemight, so far as it goes, serve as a useful introduction to fascist economics.”

Even today, crackpots apply Keynes’s name to economic nonsense, hoping that some of his credibility will rub off; what might be called “Keyneswashing.” Was Barnes “Keyneswashing” fascist economics, or is there a genuine similarity with the Keynesian variety? 

Laissez-Faire 

Keynes defined “laissez-faire” as the “idea of a divine harmony between private advantage and the public good.” Adam Smith’s legacy, he summarized was, “in the main, to allow the public good to rest on the natural effort of every individual to better his own condition.”

The balance rested on two pillars, Keynes reasoned. First was ideology: if economic theory was followed to its conclusion, laissez-fire would be found at the end. He argued that this was not so, that the great economists — Adam Smith, David Ricardo, John Stuart Mill — had said no such thing, that this was only “what the popularizers and the vulgarizers said.” It was they, not the economists, who “fixed laissez-faire in the popular mind as the practical conclusion of orthodox political economy.” 

Second, an accident of historical circumstance meant that “the corruption and incompetence of eighteenth-century government, many legacies of which survived into the nineteenth” coincided with “material progress between 1750 and 1850 [which] came from individual initiative, and owed almost nothing to the directive influence of organised society as a whole.” This practical experience, it was said, confirmed the “a priori reasonings” of the economists. 

By the time Keynes published The End of Laissez-Faire in July 1926, these no longer held.  

Keynes rejected the a priori reasonings. It is not a correct deduction from the principles of economics that enlightened self-interest always operates in the public interest,” he wrote. “Nor is it true that self-interest generally is enlightened; more often individuals acting separately to promote their own ends are too ignorant or too weak to attain even these.” Keynes argued that experience showed that individuals, acting collectively, through government, actually could make better decisions than they did acting individually.

The experience of World War I was what Keynes had in mind. “War socialism unquestionably achieved a production of wealth on a scale far greater than we ever knew in peace, for though the goods and services delivered were destined for immediate and fruitless extinction, none the less they were wealth,” he wrote. If “the dissipation of effort was…prodigious, and the atmosphere of waste and not counting the cost…disgusting to any thrifty or provident spirit,” that merely reflected “socialism” in wartime; in peacetime, it could be different. 

Corporatism 

“[P]rogress lies in the growth and the recognition of semi-autonomous bodies within the State.”

— John Maynard Keynes, The End of Laissez-Faire  

Such was Keynes’s proposed model for these bodies were corporations. “Bodies whose criterion of action within their own field is solely the public good as they understand it, and from whose deliberations motives of private advantage are excluded,” he wrote, giving the examples of universities, the Bank of England, the Port of London Authority, the railway companies, and “joint stock institutions,” which, “when they have reached a certain age and size, [tend] to approximate to the status of public corporations rather than that of individualistic private enterprise.” 

This is corporatism, as Merriam-Webster tells us: “the organization of a society into industrial and professional corporations serving as organs of political representation and exercising control over persons and activities within their jurisdiction.” 

And it was corporatism with a wide scope. Keynes argued for government direction of savings, foreign investment and income distribution. “I do not think that these matters should be left entirely to the chances of private judgement and private profits, as they are at present,” he wrote.  

This was “Keynes’s Middle Way” between capitalism and socialism, as his biographer, Robert Skidelsky explained; “Today we might call it a Third Way.” 

Fascism 

“The fascist state is corporative or it is nothing.”

— Benito Mussolini 

Political scientist Andrew Heywood wrote that the distinguishing feature of fascist economic thought is the idea of corporatism. Mussolini, architect of the first fascist state, explained that “the fascist state is corporative or it is nothing” and called the corporations “the fascist institution par excellence.” 

Corporatism was the thin end of the authoritarian wedge. In 1926, Mussolini created a special ministry of corporations, explaining that a new cooperative machinery, as well as fixing wages and conditions of work, would eventually regulate the whole economy and that, eventually, the corporations would affect what would amount to compulsory recruitment of all Italian citizens for civilian work. In 1927, twenty-two corporations were established representing employers, workers, and government, charged with overseeing the development of all the major industries in Italy. In 1930, a National Council of Corporations was set up, comprising seven large worker and employer organizations; it had no legislative power, but could issue binding orders in matters concerning wages and conditions. By 1934, this had been expanded to include twenty-two sectors of the economy and social life. 

Finally, in 1939, a chamber of Fasces and corporations was created to replace parliament. Mussolini saw this, Heywood writes, as a “‘third way’ between capitalism and socialism.” 

Can Economic Planning Remain Politically Neutral?

Much of this lay in the future as Keynes wrote, and perhaps we should not condemn him for lack of foresight. 

Keynes believed, according to his biographer, the economist Roy Harrod, that “the government of Britain was and would continue to be in the hands of an intellectual aristocracy,” of which he was part. He supported economic central planning, via corporatism, because he assumed that enlightened experts like himself, a leading member of the Bloomsbury group, not a goon like Mussolini, would be doing the planning. He underestimated the political dangers of replacing decentralized decision-making with central planning, assuming that economic freedom could be curtailed without curtailing other freedoms. 

But if we can excuse such a belief held in 1926 as naivety, how can we excuse it still held ten years later when fascism’s true nature was becoming apparent? In September 1936, Keynes wrote in the preface to the German edition of his masterpiece, The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, that “the theory of output as a whole, which is what the following book purports to provide, is much more easily adapted to the conditions of a totalitarian state, than is the theory of the production and distribution of a given output produced under conditions of free competition and a large measure of laissez-faire.” 

If a totalitarian state is the price we must pay for the Keynesian “theory of output” to be put into practice, it is not a price worth paying. Likewise, if laissez-faire was the economic manifestation of political liberalism, then its death was to be mourned, not celebrated. If economic freedom is surrendered, other freedoms follow. “The economy” is just people acting, and one can only control “the economy” by controlling people.  

Fortunately, and not for the last time, Keynes would be proven wrong. Laissez-faire was, like the Norwegian Blue parrot, not dead, but merely resting. Given the alternative, it is a good thing for humanity that this was so. 

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