If an “America first” policy is supposed to promote American self-interest, the obvious first question is: What defines an entire country’s interest? What public-policy goal can the government pursue that is in everyone’s interest?
And the fundamental answer is: our freedom.
Your life depends ultimately on your thinking. From the choice of a lifelong career to the choice of a daily diet, you must constantly judge what is and isn’t in your interest. If you are subjected to force, however, your judgment is negated. Any action you take not by choice but by compulsion is not an action you judge to be in your interest. As a social principle, therefore, what people fundamentally need in order to pursue their interests is the freedom to pursue their interests.
Freedom—the absence of physical coercion against you—is the prerequisite for your pursuit of the values that further your life.
This freedom, however, cannot be safeguarded through a policy that construes “America first” as requiring ever-increasing government restrictions on voluntary interactions between people.
When people deal with one another, their self-interest—authentic, rational self-interest—demands that they trade. Each offers value for value. On this basis, there is no victimization; there is only honest, mutually beneficial exchange. Trade rests on, and reinforces, the idea that people’s true interests are not in conflict.
Consequently, a foreign policy based on self-interest embraces free trade. It allows everyone to seek out the best products at the lowest prices, wherever the source. Whether you buy from someone across the street or from across the ocean, it is you who are making the choice of what benefits you. When both parties to a transaction make that choice, both gain. That’s what free, voluntary trade means. But when the government makes that decision for you, your freedom—your freedom to pursue your interests—is taken away.
President Trump, however, cannot conceive of trade as being mutually beneficial. Instead, he believes that one party’s gain comes only through another’s loss. His ideal is the conniving wheeler-dealer, master of the “art of the deal,” who manages to put one over on his partner. His view of human interaction is that one must be either victimizer or victim, predator or prey.
The notion of economic nationalism shapes Trump’s interpretation of “America first.” He insists, for example, that Americans who willingly deal with foreigners are being taken advantage of. So he uses the power of government to curtail such actions. Are you a foreign-born person who wants to come here to lead a productive, self-supporting life? Are you a foreign producer with customers in the U.S. eager to buy from you? Are you a businessman here who wants to create better and cheaper products by outsourcing work to India or building a factory in Mexico? Trump declares that you will be stopped in order to protect America against “outsiders.” America’s self-interest is thus defined not as the preservation of individual freedom but as the entrenchment of tribalism, a tribalism based on the crude standard of ancestry. As a result, if you happen not to be born in the U.S., you are regarded as belonging to the wrong tribe. And you, along with the products you make, will not be welcome.
The movement Trump launched claims that his policies will “make America great again.” Here, too, there is a prior question that demands an answer: What made America great in the first place? And it’s the same answer: freedom.
America’s exceptionalism rested on the premise that each individual has rights, and that the task of government is not to rule him but to protect those rights, by leaving him free. In the 18th century, a world dominated by despotic monarchies, this was a radical view. America was founded not simply on the idea that the people ought to elect their government representatives, but on the more fundamental idea that the individual has inalienable rights—rights that may not be violated even by the wishes of a majority.
America’s founding gave rise to the unique concept of “Americanism.” This defined America not as a matter of geography, but as an idea. To be an American was to proudly embrace the principle of liberty, not to boast about the accidental, unchosen fact of one’s birthplace.
As a foreign policy, “America first” denotes the refusal to sacrifice Americans’ rights—the rights to their property, their liberty, their lives—to the demands of other nations. It means that our rights will be resolutely defended against threats from abroad. It certainly should not mean that coercive threats from abroad will be replaced with coercive threats against us from our own government.
The only policy that genuinely places “America first” is a policy that places Americans’ freedom first.
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