Message à la droite française.

Vous allez probablement gouverner en 2027. Alors je vous parle franchement, de l’extérieur : je suis économiste de l’école autrichienne et je vous écris de Suisse.

Hier soir, à Limoges, une mairie de 1883 a brûlé et son clocher est tombé. Elle avait été payée par une France qui produisait encore. Elle a été brûlée par une France qui ne fait plus que distribuer. Les formes survivent longtemps à leur raison d’être. Puis elles brûlent.

Rien de ce que l’État pleure aujourd’hui n’a été bâti par lui. Les banques, les lettres de change, la comptabilité, les bourses : les villes les ont faites, entre marchands qui se devaient des comptes. La couronne les a encaissées et a appelé le produit « la France ». Le comité a hérité du tout. Les fruits de la liberté se récoltent dans des phases de non-liberté croissante, et c’est pourquoi l’on prend si facilement le centralisme pour la cause de la prospérité.

Je le dis comme je le pense : la Révolution française fut une erreur, et le centralisme qui la suivit en fut une autre. La théorie étatique de la monnaie n’a fait en 1789 que changer d’habit, de l’hermine au comité. Le comité est devenu ministère, le ministère déficit.

Écoutez la rue : elle veut plus d’État. Un des plus gros déficits de la zone euro, et une foule qui le veut plus gros. Une religion de salut dont le dieu est en faillite ne perd pas de fidèles ; elle hausse la voix et, hélas, ses briquets.

Il n’y a pas de complot, ni à gauche ni à droite. L’Occident s’est relâché après une surtension excessive et névrotique, et dans le vide s’est avancée la religion de substitution de l’étatisme : le salut par l’État, la rédemption dans le nous collectif. La plus grande part de la faute, aussi paradoxal que cela paraisse, revient aux prétendus conservateurs. Un appareil se nourrissait en parasite des institutions et consommait leur capital, et les conservateurs appelaient cela préserver. Ils ont donné bonne conscience au déclin.

Et l’immigration ? Vous pouvez la régler demain matin, vous n’aurez soigné que la fièvre. L’immigration de masse subventionnée vers l’État-providence, menée sous le mensonge du réfugié, est le dernier symptôme : le point culminant d’une naïveté hors du réel, d’un formalisme aveugle et de la consommation de statut et de revenu dans l’État thérapeutique. Qui y voit la cause confond la poussée de fièvre avec la maladie.

Et ne comptez pas sur le patriotisme pour vous sauver de l’étatisme : il en est la forme d’origine. La nation est née en 1789 avec le comité, la conscription et l’impôt pour tous, et la droite « patriote » vit aujourd’hui du même jeu à somme nulle que la gauche : servir les nôtres contre les autres avec l’argent d’une machine qui ne produit rien. Sans la machine, elle n’aurait rien à promettre. L’électoralisme est le cœur du système, pas une faiblesse de vos candidats : il sélectionne une classe qui distribue et une foule qui attend la distribution. Il est trop tard pour le patriotisme ; il faisait partie du problème.

Ne cherchez pas non plus le moment où revenir. Ce moment n’existe pas : tout moment que l’on voudrait ramener est une récolte, et les récoltes ne se répètent pas, mais bien les semailles. Ce qui demeure de la nostalgie, c’est le costume, et le costume pris au sérieux devient un jeu de rôle qui ne veut plus que célébrer sa certitude de salut.

On ne renoue pas avec un moment. On renoue avec un momentum : l’autonomie des villes, la décentralisation, la confiance entre étrangers, l’ambition culturelle, l’esprit d’entreprise, l’invention, l’individu qui ose quelque chose et en répond. La France en avait plus que quiconque, dans ses villes, ses foires, ses salons et ses ateliers.

Il n’y faut pas de programme ; les programmes sont la figure sous laquelle un moment se défend contre le temps. Il y faut des hommes qui fondent, découvrent, inventent, tiennent une maison sur des générations et contredisent une autorité lorsqu’ils savent mieux qu’elle. Et des institutions qui leur donnent durée, dignité et liberté, au lieu de les traiter en suspects.

On ne ramène pas 1883. On peut ramener ce qui l’a bâti.

— Rahim Taghizadegan (scholarium.at) (@scholarium_at) October 18, 2026

By Rahim Taghizadegan (scholarium.at)
Originally posted on X, 18 October 2026.

Message to the French right.

You will probably govern in 2027. So I speak to you frankly, from the outside: I am an Austrian School economist and I write to you from Switzerland.

Last night in Limoges, a town hall from 1883 burned and its bell tower fell. It had been paid for by a France that still produced. It was burned by a France that does nothing but distribute. Forms long outlive their reason for being. Then they burn.

Nothing the State mourns today was built by it. Banks, bills of exchange, bookkeeping, stock exchanges: the towns made them, among merchants who owed one another accounts. The crown collected them and called the proceeds “France.” The Committee inherited the lot. The fruits of liberty are harvested in phases of growing unfreedom, and that is why one so easily takes centralism for the cause of prosperity.

I say it as I think it: the French Revolution was a mistake, and the centralism that followed it was another. The state theory of money did nothing in 1789 but change costume, from ermine to Committee. The Committee became a ministry, the ministry a deficit.

Listen to the street: it wants more State. One of the largest deficits in the eurozone, and a crowd that wants it larger. A religion of salvation whose god is bankrupt does not lose believers; it raises its voice and, alas, its lighters.

There is no conspiracy, neither on the left nor on the right. The West relaxed after an excessive and neurotic overstrain, and into the void stepped the substitute religion of statism: salvation by the State, redemption in the collective “we.” The greater share of the fault, paradoxical as it may seem, belongs to the so-called conservatives. An apparatus fed parasitically on the institutions and consumed their capital, and the conservatives called that preserving. They gave a clear conscience to decline.

And immigration? You can settle it tomorrow morning and you will have treated only the fever. Mass immigration subsidized toward the welfare state, carried out under the lie of the refugee, is the final symptom: the culminating point of a naïveté detached from reality, of blind formalism, and of the consumption of status and income in the therapeutic State. Whoever sees the cause there confuses the fever spike with the disease.

And do not count on patriotism to save you from statism: it is its original form. The nation was born in 1789 with the Committee, conscription, and tax for all, and the “patriotic” right today lives on the same zero-sum game as the left: serving our people against the others with the money of a machine that produces nothing. Without the machine, it would have nothing to promise. Electoralism is the heart of the system, not a weakness of your candidates: it selects a class that distributes and a crowd that waits for the distribution. It is too late for patriotism; it was part of the problem.

Nor should you look for the moment to which to return. That moment does not exist: every moment one might wish to bring back is a harvest, and harvests do not repeat themselves, but sowings do. What remains of nostalgia is the costume, and the costume taken seriously becomes a role-play that wants only to celebrate its certainty of salvation.

One does not reconnect with a moment. One reconnects with a momentum: the autonomy of towns, decentralization, trust between strangers, cultural ambition, the entrepreneurial spirit, invention, the individual who dares something and answers for it. France had more of this than anyone, in its towns, its fairs, its salons, and its workshops.

No program is needed for this; programs are the form under which a moment defends itself against time. What is needed are men who found, discover, invent, hold a house across generations, and contradict an authority when they know better than it. And institutions that give them duration, dignity, and freedom, instead of treating them as suspects.

One does not bring back 1883. One can bring back what built it.

Translation of the original French post by Rahim Taghizadegan.

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1. Are Sets Collections?

In introductory expositions of set theory, it is often said that a set is simply a collection. But that is not true; a set is not simply a collection. To put the point in analytic philosopher speak: the concept of a set…

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“Saturday Night Live” won’t cover it any time soon. 

Nor will “Last Week Tonight,” “The Daily Show,” “The Tonight Show” or “Jimmy Kimmel Live!”

It’s still a very big deal – banks routinely targeted conservatives during the Biden administration. How? It’s called “debanking,” a process where banks discriminate against people for their political or religious views.

If you think the wrong way, good luck managing your finances. Or getting a loan. Or having a banking account.

It’s a terrifying thought in the modern era. And, according to a New York Post expose, that’s exactly what happened on President Joe Biden’s watch (and the first year of Trump 2.0)

Major banks closed accounts and refused credit to MAGA merchants, pro-life causes, religious groups, conservative organizations and sectors disfavored by the Biden administration, such as firearms, oil and gas, and private prisons, a bombshell report from the federal banking regulator has found…

JPMorgan Chase, Bank of America, Citibank, Wells Fargo, U.S. Bank, Capital One, PNC, TD Bank, and BMO Bank were found to have discriminated against American consumers, citing “reputation risk” as a reason to deny service between 2020 and 2025.

The effort also targeted Democrats, but the majority of cases involved right-leaning Americans.

It’s a huge news story, one that got limited coverage across other media outlets. That’s how the corrupt Legacy Media operates. Cover the stories that don’t align with their progressive narratives … with a blanket.

RELATED: WHY ‘SNL’ WON’T TOUCH CRAZY CANDANCE, NUTTY TUCKER 

Late-night TV is similarly corrupt, ignoring stories that reflect poorly on the Left or show the Right being unfairly targeted.

Yet as keen X user Kristen Waggoner (@KristenWaggoner) noted, “SNL” did cover this issue once. The show did so in 2024 to mock President Donald Trump, not suggest he might be onto something.

He was, sadly.

In 2024, SNL mocked President Trump for talking about debanking on the campaign trail.

Turns out big banks really were targeting the Biden admin’s ideological foes and closing their accounts.

Kudos to the Trump admin @USOCC for following through on this campaign promise. https://t.co/lDXT2ilPB5

— Kristen Waggoner (@KristenWaggoner) October 15, 2026

Weekend Update co-host Colin Jost mocked Trump for using the term “debanking” in a speech, suggesting it was part of his mental decline.

“I don’t know what the hell de-bank means, but you might have to take ‘de-ambulance’ to see ‘de-doctor.'” Jost joked.

It’s not funny now. It wasn’t funny then. “SNL” used a real threat to mock President Trump because that’s job no. 1.

Not speaking Truth to Power.

The post Debanking Scandal Makes ‘SNL’ Bias Look Even Worse appeared first on Hollywood in Toto.