
U.S. — All of the technology in the entire United States has failed within 48 hours of firing just one Asian guy.

U.S. — All of the technology in the entire United States has failed within 48 hours of firing just one Asian guy.
Writing at the Libertarian Alliance, Alan Bickley responds to a radical-right Counter-Currents essay defending “conservative socialism,” which argues that conservatives can’t defend both tradition and capitalism. Bickley accepts part of the diagnosis. He dislikes big corporations and enforced conformity, and he is conservative by temperament. But he rejects the remedy, a bigger State with a racial mission. Free exchange is not the problem, he argues. Booms and busts come from credit manipulation, and big business owes its dominance to State privileges: regulation, patents, monopolies, government procurement. He defends unlimited technological progress and says traditions should survive only through voluntary practice. He would abolish privileges first and let the welfare state shrink afterward.
He ends up calling himself a “radical liberal of the old sort,” in the line of Adam Smith, Hodgskin, Cobden and Bright, Auberon Herbert, and Benjamin Tucker, rather than an anarcho-capitalist, left-libertarian, or paleolibertarian.
I agree with much of this, especially on patents and on the State as the real threat to tradition. But I don’t accept that limited liability is a State-granted privilege. That is a long-running and friendly disagreement I’ve had with Sean Gabb and others in the LA orbit; see my PFS 2013 talk and other posts in the Related list below.
From Alan Bickley, “What Sort of Libertarian Am I?” Libertarian Alliance (Nov. 14, 2026):
A few days ago, I read a long essay on a website of the radical right that argued for something its author called “conservative socialism.” It leaned heavily on Alain de Benoist, and through him on the French writer Jean-Claude Michéa, and its thesis was easy enough to state. The modern conservative, it said, wants to defend tradition and capitalism at the same time, and cannot, because capitalism is the most destructive force ever set against tradition. The modern Left wants to fight capitalism in the name of progress, and cannot, because progress is the ideology of capitalism. The way out was a socialism of limits, rooted in nation and custom, which the author thought workable only in a white ethnostate. He ended by saying that the proper name for his position might be fascism, which he thought “quite perfect” except that nobody now knows what it means.
I should have found the whole thing easy to dismiss, and the conclusion I did dismiss. What troubled me was that I agreed with a fair amount of the diagnosis. I dislike the large corporation. I dislike the soft, smiling conformity of the human resources department, and the way that firms which owe their size to the State lecture the rest of us on virtue. I am, so far as my tastes go, rather conservative. At the same time, I believe in free markets without apology, and I believe in scientific and technological progress without any limit that I can name. On the author’s map, those commitments ought not to sit together in one head. Either he is wrong about the map, or I am confused. I have spent some time since deciding which, and this essay is the result.
The question I found myself asking was the one in my title. Libertarians are fond of labels, and we have accumulated a great many of them: anarcho-capitalist, minarchist, paleolibertarian, left-libertarian, bleeding-heart libertarian, thick and thin libertarian, and others I have forgotten or never learned. The word itself has had an odd history. It began as a term of metaphysics, meaning someone who believed in free will as against necessity, and it was only in the middle of the last century, in America, that it was taken up by people who wanted a name for classical liberalism once the word liberal had been captured by its enemies. Labels of this kind are useful only so far as they tell you what someone believes and why. I shall therefore begin with what I believe, and come to the label at the end.
First Principles
My starting point is old and simple. The State should leave people alone unless they are using force or fraud against others. Within that limit, adults should be free to work, trade, worship, write, drink, marry, associate and dissociate as they please, and to make fools of themselves if they choose. I do not think this needs elaborate justification. The burden of proof lies on anyone who wants to stop me doing something that harms nobody else, and it is a burden that the modern State seldom even tries to carry.
See also posts tagged thickism, left-libertarianism, corporations, and limited liability.
I was sitting peacefully at my kitchen table in Vancouver, happily eating breakfast, when I was intellectually assaulted by the milk container sitting there on the table. It stated as follows: “By Choosing an Agropur Product, you are Choosing to Contribute to the Canadian Economy.” I was affronted.
To be sure, this is correct insofar as it goes. By purch…
Here is the second of my occasional philosophical notes. Like the first, it presents a counterexample to Karl Popper’s falsificationism drawn from the work of the late German philosopher Peter Janich, and then considers its bearing on Ludwig von Mises’ account of the method of the natural sciences.
Peter Janich further offers a second instructive counterexample to Popper’s falsificationist thesis.1 Planes as forms of surface pieces of objects (such as drawing planes) have the property that all planes (pair-wise) fit on each other, and can be rotated and moved at will. Here Popper’s condition for theories is fulfilled such that some All-statement is given, which refers to real objects.2 And yet, no one will release this theorem for falsification. Rather, if two objects that are considered plane do not fit together, at least one of these objects will be considered not a plane or flat one. The proposition in question, then, is true a priori.
And importantly: its status as an a priori, non-hypothetical true All-statement is not owed to induction (which Popper rightly regards as an invalid method of logical inference),3 but rather to the fact that the same-ness of all plane or flat surfaces is assured by the same-ness of their constructive realization, according to the “three-plate method” described by Hugo Dingler.4 Accordingly, any seeming falsification, then, of two plane or flat surfaces not fitting, would find its explanation in a faulty method of construction of at least one of the two surfaces.
Incidentally, the “constructivist” solution provided here by Janich concerning the possibility of non-hypothetically true empirical or realistic All-statements — and the generalized insight of his school of rationalist philosophy, then, regarding the methodic and methodological priority or “a priori” of technics and technology, i.e., the purposeful setup and construction of measurement procedures and instruments (in the widest sense of the term) according to some common, general, uniform and standardized construction norms, prior to and preceding any “a posteriori” empirical natural science5 — can also shed some light and help lend further support to Ludwig von Mises’ reference to and use of what he termed “ampliative induction” as the appropriate method of the natural sciences.6
Ampliative induction, according to Mises, requires the assumption that nature does not change but stays constant and the same, such that we can generalize from the outcome of one experiment or measurement to the outcome of all future experiments or measurements of the same kind without having to repeat them over and over again. Nor, for that matter, can Popper’s falsificationism do without this assumption. Only if it is assumed — in accordance with what I have elsewhere called the “constancy principle” — that causes operate in a time-invariant way can a failure to reproduce some experimental result count as a falsification of a hypothesis, rather than as merely one more, different experience.7
“Constructivism” makes us recognize that the same-ness condition required for all All-statements is not just a logically necessary assumption, but a condition that can be actually realized and practically assured, owing to the same-ness of the design of our various measuring procedures and instruments according to a set of common, general, uniform and standardized construction norms. The same-ness condition is not merely a formal-logical requirement; it is a real condition, intentionally brought about or constructed by everyone prior to and before even beginning with any empirical natural science.8